Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
By Thea McDonald


On October 10, 2017, the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS) hosted a panel titled The National Security Council at 70: Charting the Future of America's Security.

CSIS President and CEO John J. Hamre moderated a coalition of distinguished experts who, among the four, have seen and addressed our nation’s most imminent national security issues over multiple generations. These four men have all held the job of top adviser to the president for national security. Lieutenant General H. R. McMaster joined three of his predecessors, General James L. Jones Jr., Mr. Stephen Hadley and Dr. Henry Kissinger, to discuss the history of our nation’s National Security Council (NSC) and the issues the NSC currently faces.

Congressional Collaboration

Faced with Congress’ oversight power and in possession of executive branch authority, the NSC “sits at the fault line of the national government,” Hamre noted as he asked for the panelists’ views on information sharing with Congress and deference to the president. Lt. Gen. McMaster, National Security Adviser to President Trump, expressed that his NSC aims to include Members of Congress in early strategy development conversations as many of the challenges our nation faces today require legislative fixes.

Gen. Jones, who served on Capitol Hill as a non-partisan Marine Liaison Officer and then as National Security Adviser to President Obama, opined that the NSC should “project an image of bipartisanship.” He continued and noted, “When I became National Security Adviser, all of a sudden I was a Democrat – and I didn’t know I was.”

President George W. Bush’s National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley expressed that while his former position is not Senate-confirmable, he spent plenty of time talking with Congress on national security priorities.

Dr. Kissinger, who served as National Security Adviser to Presidents Nixon and Ford, and in other capacities under President Reagan, told of older times “when bipartisanship wasn’t at its height” but during which he and President Nixon held private, unrecorded meetings over drinks with members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in their efforts to involve Congress in their decision-making.

Strategy vs. Operation

Noting that the NSC is faced with criticisms that its role has devolved from strategic to operational – and that the NSC should be a forum for strategy development – the panelists seemingly agreed that the agency’s focus should indeed be developing integrated strategies, but that staying out of the operations game is a difficult undertaking.

Technology’s Impact

According to Dr. Kissinger, when the U.S. government began opening lines of communication with China, the U.S. sent printed letters via a Pakistan diplomat, who would transfer the communications between the U.S. and China – taking anywhere from a couple of weeks to a few months from sending a letter until receiving a response.

Today, said Gen. Jones, the speed of information transfer and technological development makes it necessary for the National Security Adviser to always know what’s going on in every corner of the world, be able to sift through that information, and distill what the president needs to know on a daily basis.

Lt. Gen. McMaster acknowledged today’s technology-driven challenges and described the importance of agency heads in the operation, implementation and partnership in managing these challenges and contributing to the development of national security strategies.

Pragmatic Realism

Reflecting on his predecessors’ comments about the current national security situation, McMaster noted, “the stakes couldn’t be higher” because new and sophisticated threats emerge daily. McMaster described today’s threat pool as “democratization of destruction,” which “requires us to focus on our strategic competence.”

According to McMaster, President Trump has assessed the threats we face and laid out a strategy for moving forward. Put the safety and security of the American people first. Coordinate economic, diplomatic and military strategies. Prioritize “peace through strength.” Work to deter a broad range of bad actors. Expand America’s influence across the globe, and capitalize on our relationships with our allies. These are the ideals McMaster pinned to President Trump’s “pragmatic realism” approach to national security to close out the session.


To watch the full panel discussion, click here
By Nathaniel DeLucia

Leading members of both houses of Congress have come together to express their concern over the proposed changes to the Lisbon Agreement that would grant more protection for geographical Indications of Origin (GIs).  The US is upset over this development for two reasons.  First, WIPO, the organization that oversees the Lisbon Agreement, is allowing a small group of members to enact these changes without participation of a large number of other countries, including the US.  This is in contrast with the WIPO’s general policy of allowing all members to fully participate in any negotiations resulting in a substantial revision of a treaty.  Second, stronger GIs will likely hurt US businesses by preventing, for instance, the use of “parmesan” on cheese unless it comes from a specific region of Italy or “champagne” on sparkling wine unless it comes from France.


For a complete discussion of the US’s objections see IP-Watch’s story, located here.
By Derek Hunter

On October 15, the Treasury released its semi-annual currency report for Congress, and although more subdued then in previous reports, it criticizes several countries’ monetary policies. China, Germany, South Korea, and Japan were all criticized for devaluing its currency to boost export; a devalued currency makes goods cheaper to overseas buyers. The report comes as the U.S. dollar hit a five-year high against a basket of other currencies, highlighting the central role of the U.S. economy in powering global growth.  Bloomberg summarizes the report, and its policy prescriptions for the offending countries.
By Huiyu Yin

Approximately 600 labor, environmental and civil society groups called on Senate Finance Committee Chairman Ron Wyden for a stronger role for Congress in the future Trade Promotions Authority (TPA) legislation. The groups proposed several specific provisions to enhance Congress’s role and laid out three additional conditions that a future TPA bill should meet.
By Sam Obenhaus

Senators Carl Levin (D-MI) and John McCain (R-AZ) are seeking the extradition of 60 Swiss bankers and financial advisers who allegedly assisted U.S. citizens in evading taxes.  On March 18, they sent a letter to Assistant Attorney General James Cole pushing the Department to request extradition, something it has been reluctant to do.  

“Even if a request is unsuccessful,” they claim, “it will inform both Switzerland and its citizens that the United States is ready to make full use of available legal tools to stop facilitation of U.S. tax evasion and hold alleged wrongdoers accountable.”  

Levin and McCain are Chairman and Ranking Member, respectively, of the Senate’s Permanent Select Committee on Investigations. The Washington Post and Wall Street Journal have more on this story. 
By Abraham Shanedling

As the situation in the Crimea escalates, Members of Congress are pushing for targeted sanctions against Russia and an aid package to Ukraine.

The effort comes after President Obama said Russia would face “costs” for intervening in Ukraine. Sen. Bob Corker, the ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, issued a statement saying that “Congress will consider targeted sanctions against Russian persons and entities that undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.”

Sen. Corker has been echoed by Rep. Eliot Engel (D-NY), the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who called for “a robust international economic assistance package” for Ukraine.

Read more at USA Today.
By Sam Obenhaus
Photo courtesy of the U.S. Mint

There is at least one policy initiative that a bipartisan majority of the House and Senate agrees on: the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), a 12-member free trade agreement currently being negotiated by the Administration, should address currency manipulation by member states.  This isn’t all talk.  A cadre of influential members wants it to be a binding goal for negotiations.  Putting aside the merits of clamping down on currency manipulation, Congress’ interference in the negotiating process sets a terrible precedent and undermines a power-sharing agreement that has facilitated the enactment of America’s trade policy for the past 75 years.

At the heart of the problem is that modern trade agreements, despite resembling treaties, are approved as congressional-executive agreements.  This is a delicate, frankensteinian process that exists because the Constitution fails to define the scope of two, sometimes conflicting powers: the President’s Article II power to negotiate treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate, and Congress’s Article I power to “regulate commerce with foreign nations.”

Under this process, Congress effectively limits its own power by ceding its Article I authority to the President.  Congress does so by passing legislation, currently termed Trade Promotion Authority, allowing the Executive Branch to negotiate bilateral or multilateral agreements that have the effect of “regulating” international commerce by reducing or eliminating tariffs, along with other policy changes.
By Abraham Shanedling

The United States and five other world powers announced late Saturday night that they had reached an agreement with Iran that would temporarily freeze much of Iran’s nuclear program in return for $6 to $7 billion in sanctions relief.

The full text of the agreement, which is to last six months, can be found here.

Although the agreement requires Iran to stop enriching uranium beyond 5 percent, the deal does not require Iran to completely cease enrichment, including to low levels of 3.5 percent or to dismantle any of its existing centrifuges.

Appearing on live television shortly after the announcement of the deal, President Obama said the agreement includes "substantial limitations that will help prevent Iran from creating a nuclear weapon."

White House statement called the nuclear agreement an "initial, six-month step," and noted that the accord includes limits on Iran's ability to "produce weapons-grad plutonium" from its heavy water reactor in Arak.

On Sunday however, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has consistently expressed his distrust with Iran, called the agreement a "historic mistake," likening the agreement to that reached with North Korea in 2005.

Meanwhile, with the agreement in place, Congressional efforts to ratchet up sanctions will now be on pause at least for the six-month window.
Under Secretary for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman leads the U.S. delegation for the P5+1 talks with Iran in Geneva, Switzerland, on October 15, 2013. Also pictured in the photo are E.U. High Representative Catherine Ashton and Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif. Photo courtesy of the U.S. State Department.  

By Abraham Shanedling

Last week, Iran and six world powers concluded two days of talks about Tehran’s nuclear program—the first formal negotiations between Iran and the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council since the Iranian President Hassan Rouhani took office in August.

Despite a lack of details about the discussions, Iran’s foreign minister and the European Union’s foreign policy chief, issued a rare joint statement following the meetings, calling the talks “substantive and forward looking.” Further discussions are scheduled in Geneva for November 7 and 8. However, government officials and nuclear experts among the United States and its allies remain sharply divided on whether the negotiations represent a positive shift in relations with Tehran warranting “cautious optimism” or whether the world community should increase pressure on the regime to prevent Iran from using yet another round of negotiations as a delay tactic while the country strengthens critical nuclear capabilities.

Now that the government shutdown/debt-ceiling “debate” has been punted until next year, Iran sanctions legislation will likely resurface as a key issue in Congress. Appearing two weeks ago before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Wendy Sherman, the chief U.S. negotiator in Geneva, urged Congress to delay imposing stringent new Iran sanctions legislation until after the negotiations in Switzerland. The bill, which passed overwhelmingly (400-200) in the House in July and is now pending in the Senate, aims to cut Iran’s oil exports by another million barrels per day over the course of a year, decreasing the country’s oil exports to near nothing.