By Huiyu Yin
Every year in March, the
annual meeting of the National People’s Congress (the NPC) opens in Beijing. It is the largest
legislative body in the world, with about three thousand representatives from all over the
country. During this meeting, the NPC passes laws, and approves the government
budget and appointment of senior government officials. For the rest of the
year, the NPC’s 175-member standing committee in Beijing is in charge of
legislative issues.
The
Chinese People’s Political
Consultative Conference’s (the CPPCC) annual
meeting is held simultaneously. This
advising body with no legislative power is composed of independent
representatives and members of political parties other than the Chinese
Communist Party (the CCP). Its role is somewhat analogous to a top advisory legislature.
For
years, the NPC has been
criticized as “a rubber stamp” because it has never voted down a single piece of
legislation proposed by the Chinese government. However, it started to show some
signs of growing independence in recent years. In 1999, it delayed
passing a law imposing an unpopular fuel tax and has also been given greater
leeway drafting laws in areas like human rights.
Last
year, Financial Times China published an article
revealing the problem of money buying power with the NPC and the CPPCC-- making
it somewhat analogous to the American system. The statistics suggested that
last year thirty-one members of the NPC had personal assets of more than $1
billion. A researcher from the Chinese Academy of Social Science, a think tank
for the Chinese government, said that in order to protect their wealth,
businessmen either support a politician or become a government official
themselves. The article casts serious doubt on the legitimacy of representation
and constitution of both meetings.
On
the other hand, some NPC and CPPCC members have fought successfully for
transparency and other reforms of the government. For example, Southern Weekly, considered as China’s
most influential liberal newspaper, reported the story of Hong Jiang. Jiang, a former representative of the People’s
Congress of Shanghai City and a current member of the CPPCC, spent 10 years
lobbying his proposal until the local and the central government responded and
published detailed government budgets. Stories like this demonstrate how the
two annul meetings function and how a single representative can fulfill his
obligations for the people.
The
NPC meeting is worth its own attention for some other reasons. First, the Premier
of China will deliver a speech at the start of the meeting. It usually runs
about two hours and the Premier presents his economic plan and political moves
for the next year. This year Premier Keqiang Li
announced a target of economic growth at about 7.5 percent and a few other key growh
numbers. Coupled
with reports released by other agencies, the speech outlines his 2015 priority
that the government plans to downsize the public sector and boost the private
sector. CNN and other major media publish
editorials to summarize Beijing’s priorities. Second, this is the only time
most senior officials of the Chinese government, i.e. the Premier, holds a
conference and take questions from the press in front of a live TV audience. Even
though these questions are often prescreened, this is still a unique
opportunity to get an insight view of how they intend to run the country.
Article I: The Road To Making Government Budgets
Public
Chinese source: 南方周末 at http://www.infzm.com/content/84697
Summarized and translated by
Huiyu Yin
Posted on 2013-1-4
To make China a better
place, Jiang Hong (蒋洪)
discovered his own way by pushing the government to publish its specific
budgets.
Jiang was a scholar focusing
on fiscal policy and theory analysis. His research heavily relied on timely
government budgets. However, he had usually only a few budget numbers published
with serious delay.
In 1997, the 47-year-old was
elected as a member of People’s Congress of Shanghai City. He thought he would
have more access to these budget numbers, because one of obligations of
representatives was to review and approve government budgets. To his
disappointment, the report was no better than what he had seen before. So he
abstained from voting, because he didn’t think he had enough information to
make an educated decision on the matter.
Jiang was the only one abstaining from voting among over 800 representatives.
Since 2008, Jiang Hong has
become a member of the CPPCC. The CPPCC is somewhat different from the NPC in
the way that it allows representatives to speak in the meeting about their
proposals. Upon the second request to speak, he was finally permitted to raise
the issue in 2009. His speech appealing for transparency in fiscal policies
drew wide attention at the meeting.
At the same time, his team
at Shanghai University of Finance and Economics started an independent research
program. In 1998, the Regulation of the People’s Republic of China on the
Disclosure of Government Information (政府信息公开条例) became effective. It allows people to request
disclosure of government budget information. The team designed a formula to
evaluate the transparency of provincial governments, depending on what the
government would disclose upon request or voluntarily. An annual list would be
published, ranking provinces from the most transparent to the least
transparent.
Jiang hoped that all of his
efforts would change the mindset of general public. It is a demanding task.
There is still long way to go, but this is a start.
0 comments:
Post a Comment