By Rick Mendenhall
It’s looking like 1985 because
Japan is exporting again. This time, however, “Made in Japan” will be etched in
Soryu Class Submarines instead of Sony Walkmans. In April, Japan relaxed
its almost half century policy against exporting military goods and technology.
Since this move, a host of East and South Asian nations swooped in to forge new
military trade agreements with Japan. Vietnam and the Philippines have
purchased patrol
ships, and a deal for Australia to purchase submarines is about to be announced.
Japan’s policy shift though throbs
with domestic constitutional implications. Article Nine of Japan’s Constitution,
written in the post-WW2 era, forever forbade Japan’s right to wage war. While
manufacture and trade of weaponry isn’t expressly banned by the Constitution, it
runs contrary to the pacifistic sentiment many Japanese embrace. In an attempt
to temper the new policy, Japan’s government, headed by Shinzo Abe, has stressed
they would not export military goods to countries involved in international
conflicts. Furthermore, the deals have not included attack weapons like tanks
or warplanes. Ostensibly, all exports could be used for defensive purposes, so
would not clash with constitutional sentiment.
But Abe’s government might be
pushing the envelope with Japanese voters. In July, Japan formally reinterpreted
Article Nine so that Japan can wage war to aid an ally. Abe’s approval rating
subsequently dipped
below 50 percent for the first time since he gained office. Abe’s push to
revise the Constitution shocks no one who remembers that the leader has long
harbored an ambition to amend the Peace Article, at least since his first stint
as prime minister in 2006. It may have contributed to Japan’s opposition party
dethroning Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party in 2007. It was the first time since
World War II that the Liberal Democratic Party did not hold power.
A key difference to Abe in 2014 is that
China’s ascendant territorial ambitions in the South China Sea could pay out
whopping dividends to Japanese defense companies. The South China Sea is brimming
with oil and gas—estimates soar as high as billions of gallons of oil and
trillions of cubic feet of gas. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and
Taiwan all have territorial disputes with China in part because of the untapped
wealth of resources slumbering below. Consequently, old foes have become
strange bedfellows. South Asian Countries like the Philippines, who were
subjugated by imperial Japan and would never normally seek out Japanese military
armament, have entered into agreements with the Land of the Rising Sun to
combat China.
The South China Sea remains largely
untapped, however, because private companies are unwilling to risk investment in a
zone that might erupt into a regional conflict. The uncertainty over property
rights is too large of a deterrent. No company wants to sink millions of
dollars in drills to find out that China will bar them from drilling.
But even with the resources lying fallow, Japan should still end up in the black. In the past ten years South Asian countries have nearly doubled their defense spending, and Asian defense spending will soon overtake Europe’s. With the regional appetite growing for arms, Japan probably picked the ideal time to enter the market.
But even with the resources lying fallow, Japan should still end up in the black. In the past ten years South Asian countries have nearly doubled their defense spending, and Asian defense spending will soon overtake Europe’s. With the regional appetite growing for arms, Japan probably picked the ideal time to enter the market.
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