By Shannon Togawa Mercer
It makes sense that an organization of nations interested in trade
liberalization would concern itself with the movement of ideas: adequate
protection of intellectual property can impact trade flows. If a seller
knows that her ideas will not be
pirated in a purchasing country, she will be more encouraged to sell there.
Furthermore, if an innovator knows that he will reap the profits from his inventions, he is more
likely to innovate – thus incentivizing businesses’ R&D.
A different set of rights is at play in TRIPS as compared to the rest of the WTO regime. Instead of safeguarding
a country’s markets, TRIPS safeguards the rights of a country’s natural and
juridical people. This creates a unique situation in which the WTO might find
itself de facto protecting the rights of some individuals over
others. Pharmaceutical patent protection brings
that debate into relief: Least Developed Countries (LDCs) face
public health crises when patents allow pharmaceutical companies to charge high
prices for essential medicines.
Thankfully, the agreement itself, through
both its language and subsequent interpretation by WTO adjudicators, has
provided some flexibility to address this conflict. Article 7, for example, allows for the
protection of intellectual property “to the mutual advantage of users and
producers of technical knowledge and in a manner conducive to social and
economic welfare and to the balance of rights and obligations.” This provision ostensibly creates
the authority for the WTO to balance interests in cases such as affordable
access to drugs. In fact, the WTO has opened the door to a number of exceptions including
compulsory licensing to address circumstances including, but not limited to,
national emergencies, serious anti-competitive practices, and
necessary research.
For example, in Canada-
Patent Protection for Pharmaceutical Products (2000) the
WTO allowed a Canadian law that permitted the use of patented products by
generic drug producers without authorization and before the end of the patent
term so that they might obtain government approval while they wait for the
patent expiration date. This significantly decreases the amount of time it
takes a generic drug maker to bring product to the market.
Furthermore, certain transition provisions have been created to provide LDCs sufficient time to adapt to the TRIPS requirements. On
November 6 of this year, WTO members voted to extend the drug patent exception for
LDCs until January 2033. This carve-out allows LDCs to approach patenting pharmaceutical products
as they see fit, not subject to TRIPS. Among a few other waivers, this particular
exception, and its extension, has been hailed as a manifestation
of the WTO’s prioritization of development as articulated in the Doha Development Agenda in 2001
and in the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
While all seems well and good when considering the flexibility of the treaty
agreement, the WTO’s Dispute Resolution Understanding (DSU)
may put LDCs at a distinct disadvantage once the exception period expires.
While only States can bring claims against other States under the DSU, a claim
is often motivated by the corporate interest feeling the pain of any given
trade restriction. After 2033, those nations who have not yet
adjusted to TRIPS conditions will be subject to challenge. More developed
corporations often come from more developed countries which, in turn, leverage
more advanced legal counsel. LDCs generally can not afford the same quality
of representation. While this is not a death sentence, it certainly tips the scales.
The consequences of losing could be dire: the developed market would be allowed
to levy reciprocal restrictions on other goods or services which fall under the
purview of WTO agreements until the LDC has adjusted its policy in a way which
may be detrimental to the public health requirements of its people. LDCs may
not possess the capital or the leverage to compensate a developed country in
lieu of applying the DSU recommendation. During recent negotiations, it was
proposed that the exception extend until a country ceases to be an LDC
in order to safeguard against serious public health crises. This solution was
rejected in favor of the 2033 extension. While the rejected proposal may have
more directly addressed the concern for the protection of individuals in LDCs,
it would come with its own drawbacks. Given that the WTO allows countries to
self-declare as LDCs, it is a proposal ripe for abuse by third-party corporate
interests.
Controlling the movement of ideas is a very different business from controlling
the movement of bananas or the nature of foreign direct investment.
Thankfully, the WTO appears to be approaching the need for a constant and
delicate balance of interests by highlighting the participation of LDCs within
the organization. The tenth Ministerial conference of the WTO is already primed for fulsome LDC involvement.
Giving LDCs a prominent voice at the table is undoubtedly the right step toward
navigating such complex compromises.
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